The World Bank and other IFIs
The
International Financial Institutions, like the
World Bank, the IMF and the World Trade
Organisation have become instrumental in the
current neo-liberal restructuring of the world
economy. The people and workers of developing
countries are suffering the most from the
devastating policies which are being pursued by
these institutions, but they are increasingly
also attacking social welfare provisions as well
as trade union rights and democratic structures
in rich countries. They are, in short, currently
the most important instruments for the
institutionalisation of neo-liberalism at the
global level – by the marketisation, the
commodification and the commercialisation of all
aspects of human life.
There is
a lot of disagreement on how to deal with these
institutions. Should they be abolished, and
their tasks transferred to other institutions as
for example the UN, should they be deeply
reformed and democratised, or should we rather
base our policy on influencing their policies
through formal or informal dialogues?
During
the opening session of the ITF Durban Congress,
General Secretary Zwelinzima Vavi of COSATU, and
General Secretary Randall Howard of SATAWU,
launched fierce and well-founded attacks on the
WTO. Actually, COSATU has played an increasingly
important role in developing global trade union
policies towards the WTO over the last couple of
years, particularly regarding the so-called NAMA
agreement, which is the free trade agreement on
manufactured goods and natural resources.
Through solid documentation COSATU has proved
that the policies pursued by the USA, the EU and
other rich countries – including my own, Norway
– in the WTO, has led to, and will continue to
lead to, deindustrialisation of many developing
countries. COSATU has even succeeded in pushing
the ICFTU position on these questions to the
left, and that is impressive, since this does
not seem to be an easy thing to do. Under
current circumstances, there is no doubt that
the recent breakdown of the WTO negotiations was
the best that could happen – since no agreement
obviously must be better than a bad agreement.
But what
are the ITF’s positions on these questions?
Well, there is a lot of sound scepticism,
criticism and opposition expressed in statements
from the Congress. Regarding the World Bank,
however, one of the motions states that
“progress has been made by Global Unions in
engaging in dialogue with the World Bank”, and
that “some officials within the Bank appear to
have recognised the failure of Bank
restructuring projects, even by their own
standards, and have expressed interest in
establishing closer relations with transport
unions”.
I think
it is necessary to complement this promising
story with some further information. For example
the fact that the World Bank for many years
repeatedly has informed us that they have
recognised the failure of Bank restructuring
projects. It has simply become a routine
exercise. These exercises are often followed by
a rebranding of their projects and strategies –
from SAPs (Structural Adjustment Programmes) in
the 1980s, via some other acronyms, to the
current PRSPs (Poverty Reduction Strategy
Programmes). When one programme brand is
sufficiently scandalised through the destructive
effects it has had on those who are the victims
of the programmes, the World Bank comes up with
some self-criticism and it launches new, and
even more promising, brands. The contents,
however, continue to be the same:
liberalisation, deregulation and privatisation –
and devastating effects on people, workers and
the environment.
There is
an army of people in the World Bank who are
specialised in paying lip-service to trade
unions, other NGOs and social movements – while
at the same time forced liberalisation and
privatisation uninterruptedly are taking place
on the field. We should not let us fool by these
tactics. First of all, we should develop our own
analyses of the World Bank and the other IFIs.
The role of the World Bank is not formed by more
or less well-intentioned rhetoric from Bank
employees. If we are to understand the role of
the World Bank, we should analyse its position
in the international economic power-structures.
The
policies of the World Bank do nothing but
reflect the balance of power in today’s world.
As long as neo-liberalism represents the
ideological order of the day, as long as
capitalist forces are on the offensive, as long
as most of the governments in most of the rich
countries, which control the WB, the IMF and the
WTO are predominantly neo-liberal, these
policies will continue to undermine economic and
social development in the South and social
welfare provisions in the North.
It is important to have in mind
that these institutions are not the source of
the evil in today’s world. These institutions
are all instruments, instruments which are being
used by strong economic interests and
neo-liberal governments. If we want to change
the policies of the World Bank, we will
therefore have to shift the balance of power in
society by delimiting the power of the
multinational companies, defeating
neo-liberalism and extending democratic control
of the economy. This requires broad
mobilisation, hard struggles and confrontations
– at the local, at the national as well as at
the global level. There is no short-cut. It is
not easy, but it is doable.
(Contribution
at the ITF World Congress, Durban, August 2006.)
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