Labour and climate change
Asbjørn Wahl
Most problems in society are mainly social and
political, even if at first glance they seem
purely technical or scientific. This is a
hard-earned lesson for the labour and trade
union movement. For example, workplace
technology can be developed to serve different
interests: the shareholders, the customers, the
workers… In the end it is the actual balance of
power which decides the solution and who it will
benefit.
The threat of climate change is no exception.
The solution of this problem requires, among
other things, a huge amount of new technology.
But the problem isn’t just about technology, it
is a genuinely social and political issue. It is
decisive, therefore, that the trade union
movement develops its own climate change
policies. We have to move from a reactive to a
proactive position. In the end, it is a question
of what kind of society we want to develop.
Facing up to the issues
So far, much of the trade union movement has
hesitated when confronted with the problem of
climate change, even though this situation has
moved on significantly in recent years. There
has been a tendency to deny the seriousness of
the problem, and there has been some opposition
against taking action as a result of a (fully
understandable) fear of job losses.
Our first challenge is therefore to face
reality. We have to realise the overwhelming
scientific proof that climate change is here,
that human activities are crucial factors, and
that this can be catastrophic. We must realise
that the main reason for the problem is the
burning of fossil fuel. This means the success
factor of any measure is whether or not it
contributes to reducing the burning of fossil
fuel. The way we live and work will change
radically over the coming years either as a
result of action, or of inaction. Not to act, or
to delay action, is not an option, but will only
make consequences worse.
Failed markets need political control
The Stern Report, which reported to the UK
government, concluded that “climate change
represents the biggest market failure in
history”. The on-going financial crisis
represents another huge market failure in
history. We cannot rely on those same failed
market mechanisms to solve these crises.
Both climate change policies and the financial
crisis will need increased democratic control of
the economy. That is exactly what we, in the
trade union movement, also need for many other
reasons. This means that the climate crisis not
only represents a threat, but also new
possibilities for the trade union movement. The
on-going crises, together with neo-liberalism’s
current crisis of legitimacy, have actually
opened an array of opportunities waiting to be
exploited.
Trade unions thus have to prioritise climate
change policies, but we have to embed these
policies in a broader political context. We
therefore also have to overcome the
contradictions between specific workers’
immediate, sectoral interests and broader
interests of workers as a whole. In other words,
we are not only transport workers who face a
change in work pattern; we are human beings
confronting a potentially catastrophic event.
Redistribution of wealth
One thing is quite clear: there will be
far-reaching changes. The question is therefore,
how do we meet these challenges? Currently,
workers and trade unions are on the defensive.
We are under pressure. There is a tendency to
individualise responsibility for greenhouse-gas
emissions. All of us have to pay for the
emissions we cause, it is said, even though
those emissions in most cases are effects of the
way society is organised and market forces are
pushing.
Of course emissions have to be reduced, even
radically. This cannot, however, be left to each
individual’s responsibility. Neither can it be
done by implementing economic restrictions which
in practise exempt the rich and wealthy from any
change. Why should ordinary people support the
necessary climate change policies under such
conditions? People will never accept that rich
people can continue to pay their way, that
corporate interests are protected, while the
costs are put on workers, consumers and
taxpayers. What is needed, therefore, are
collective political solutions in which policies
against climate change are combined with a
radical social redistribution of wealth.
Anything short of that will prevent any solution
to the climate crisis.
From defensive to offensive
Environmental organisations tell us we have to
make sacrifices to save the climate and our
planet. This is both incorrect, and
strategically and tactically wrong. Climate
change policies are not only a question of
sacrifices, but of creating a better society for
all. Roger Toussaint, president of Transport
Workers’ Union Local 100 in New York, got it
right when he, at a climate change conference,
stated that: “Going green is not just about job
creation, it is about an improved life for
working people.”
Serious climate change policies will give us an
opportunity for progressive social change.
Change will presuppose a more democratically
managed economy. it will create millions of
green jobs – particularly in public transport
and in the production of renewable energy. It
will reduce market competition and thereby also
reduce pressure at work. It will make it
necessary to shorten working hours to reduce the
overexploitation of resources and allow a more
just distribution of jobs across the globe. It
will, if we do our job properly, hopefully
reduce consumerism as a way of compensating
other unmet needs in our societies,
characterised by alienation and powerlessness.
In short, social change is a precondition and a
solution at the same time to stopping climate
change.
Furthermore, reduced greenhouse emissions will
also reduce pollution in workplaces and
communities. An enormous – and free – transfer
of technology to developing countries will be
necessary, both to reduce their increase in
emissions and to lift two billion people out of
poverty. Most importantly, climate change
policies will secure the survival of human
beings and the planet.
Alliances and social mobilisation
Global summits haven’t achieved social equality,
jobs for all, decent working conditions,
eradication of poverty, gender equality. It
seems unlikely they will solve the problem of
climate change either. Instead, we need a social
and political mobilisation for alternative
solutions built on solidarity, equality and
peoples’ needs.
The trade union movement will need to build
strategic alliances with the environmental
movement, and others. To do that, we have to
overcome a couple of important weaknesses.
Firstly, we have to ensure the environmental
movements understand the role of social power
(the class conflict). Secondly, we ourselves
need to increase the understanding of
environmental problems and the climate crisis in
our trade unions. This can only happen if the
two movements start to co-operate, exchange
views and experiences and develop a friendly and
constructive environment for discussion.
An excellent example is the Blue-Green Alliance
between the United Steel Workers and the
environmental movement Sierra Club in the USA,
which “is focused on restoring an additional
element to the relationship between public
policy and electoral politics … that of movement
building … without strong, well-organised social
movements mobilising along a society’s basic
fault lines, meaningful change is unlikely.”
Our long-term perspective must be to build the
social alliances necessary to change society,
not the climate. It is ambitious, but necessary
and possible – and we will sit in the driver’s
seat.(Published in
Transport International, April 2009.)
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